By Yingchi Chu
Reading Hong Kong cinema from its inception in 1913 to the tip of the colonial period, this paintings explains the major parts of construction, marketplace, movie items and important traditions. Hong Kong Cinema considers different political formations of Hong Kong's tradition as noticeable in the course of the cinema, and bargains with the old, political, financial and cultural family among Hong Kong cinema and different chinese language movie industries at the mainland, in addition to in Taiwan and South-East Asia. dialogue covers the concept that of 'national cinema' within the context of Hong Kong's prestige as a quasi-nation with powerful hyperlinks to either the 'motherland' (China) and the 'coloniser' (Britain), and in addition argues that Hong Kong cinema is a countrywide cinema merely in an incomplete and ambiguous feel.
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Additional resources for Hong Kong Cinema: Coloniser, Motherland and Self
Furthermore, after Guangzhou and its hinterland fell into Japanese hands after October 1938, any anti-Japanese ﬁlms or ﬁlms promoting Chinese nationalism would in all likelihood be banned. Some of the countries in South-East Asia also banned anti-Japanese ﬁlms or restricted politically oriented ﬁlms. Revenue generated in the colony alone could not cover production costs. For this reason, Hong Kong ﬁlm producers requested that the national government provide some ﬁnancial assistance in producing patriotic ﬁlms, for instance, by reducing tariff on Hong Kong ﬁlms to the mainland for patriotic ﬁlm productions, or by ensuring that patriotic ﬁlms were exhibited in South-East Asia through the government’s diplomatic negotiations (Yi Lin 1 October 1938).
The Guomindang promoted Confucian philosophy as part of national culture and condemned the ideas of Buddhism and Taoism expressed in ﬁlms. Deeply objecting to Hollywood ﬁlms, the Guomindang believed that they distracted the Chinese people from participation in Chinese nation-building activities. They also exhorted Chinese ﬁlm-makers not to follow the Hollywood ﬁlm as a model, because, in the words of Chen Lifu, Minister for Education and the Chairman of the Chinese Central Film Censorship Board, ‘there was a huge gap between the two societies in social, cultural, and economic aspects’ (L.
In Thailand, the government continued to impose restraints on Chinese education and newspapers from the 1940s. In Malaysia, debates on the rights of citizenship of Malays, Chinese and Indians in the early 1950s further complicated the relationship between the local Chinese community and the indigenous people. Chinese cultural production was not encouraged by the indigenous Malay government. The Indonesian government likewise suppressed Chinese culture and community activities after gaining its sovereignty from the Dutch coloniser in 1949 (Mackie 1976: 77–138).