By Rosalind O'Hanlon
The 19th century observed the start of a violent and debatable circulate of protest among western India's low and untouchable castes, geared toward the results in their lowly place in the Hindu caste hierarchy. The leaders of this stream have been confident that non secular hierarchies had mixed with the results of British colonial rule to supply inequality and injustice in lots of fields, from faith to politics and schooling. This research concentrates at the first chief of this stream, Mahatma Jotirao Phule. It indicates him as its first ideologist, figuring out a special model of radical humanism. It analyses his contribution to 1 of crucial and missed social advancements in western India during this interval - the formation of a brand new nearby identification. This means of identification formation is studied opposed to the heritage of the sooner historical past of caste kinfolk during this sector of India, and contributes vital facts concerning the dating among ritual prestige and political power.The flow itself offers a desirable instance of early 3rd global radicalism, illustrating the position of ideology and faith within the fight opposed to British colonial energy.
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Additional info for Caste, Conflict and Ideology: Mahatma Jotirao Phule and Low Caste Protest in Nineteenth-Century Western India
The Brahman party denied that there were any true From warrior traditions to nineteenth-century politics 25 Kshatriyas left in this, the Kaliyug, or most corrupt age of Hindu society. They based their case on two arguments: first, the Hindu puranas had told how Parashuram, the sixth incarnation of Vishnu, had completely exterminated the whole of the Kshatriya varna; second, most of the elite Maratha families had manifestly lapsed from the religious rituals, social practices, and the strict genealogical purity that were proper to true Kshatriyas.
29 This dislike broke out into an open quarrel between Pratapsinh and Balajipant Natu, Grant's assistant. One source of Pratapsinh's dislike may have been that Grant employed Natu to persuade him of the necessity of a dramatic reduction in his personal spending. 30 However, the hostility also seemed to derive from Pratapsinh's fear that Natu, as Grant's native agent, might take too much power into his own hands; and from Natu's concern with his position as full power was made over to Pratapsinh.
Grant to M. Elphinstone, 23 March 1819, quoted in R. D. Choksey, The Aftermath 1818-1826, p. 266. 40 See the introduction by S. M. Edwardes to James Grant Duff, A History of the Mahrattas, Oxford University Press 1921, vol. I, pp. xxxiv-xlii for details about Grant Duffs collection of source materials for his history. 41 D. B. Parasnis recorded that: 'Maharaja Pratapsing took such keen interest in this work that he had various bakhars and narratives specially written for Grant DufFs assistance, and after the publication of the History of the Mahrattas by Grant Duff, he got it translated into Marathi': Parasnis, 'Maratha Historical Literature', Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol.